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A glimmer of hope within the gates of hell

How a boy of 27 manages to bring hope to a place where people are losing their dreams for the future.

It has rained just before I walk onto the grounds of "the Jungle" with a delegation of people. The illegal tent camp near the gates of Calais is on the verge of evacuation. During a visit to the camp on Sept. 24, French President Hollande called for its complete dismantling. Nearly 10,000 residents will be redistributed to 164 reception sites across France, according to the president. The evacuation, scheduled for two days after our visit, was postponed at the last minute for at least a week. The uncertainty among the residents of "the Jungle" remains.

Zimako Jones

If eyes could speak, Zimako Jones' dark eyes speak of an eventful and hard life. The 27-year-old Nigerian refugee has been in the illegal refugee camp "the Jungle" in Calais for more than a year. Unlike most of the temporary residents, he is not there to find his way to England; Zimako wants to stay in France.

He fled Nigeria with his parents after the 2011 presidential election. His Togolese father who worked for the previous government was threatened. After spending three months in Libya, Zimako lived in Italy for 2 years. He then traveled on to France. After wanderings, he finally ended up at "the Jungle" in Calais in April 2015. He does not like the name, preferring to speak of the Forum of Calais.

Animals belong in 'the Jungle,' humans do not

I am traveling today with a delegation from the Netherlands, including Johan from the Wood, county administrator and member of the Council of Europe, the European body that has human rights and refugees as its core tasks and is the boss of the European Court of Human Rights. In addition, representatives of the NGO Portagora and Refugee Council Netherlands join us. Zimako is our contact in "the Jungle" today.

'The Jungle' always looks sad , but today it is even worse. The rains of the morning have turned the dirt roads into muddy paths, and the plastic sheeting that serves as a canopy of plywood "houses" hangs half-knotted together. It is Saturday and 'the Jungle' is teeming with volunteers, mostly English. In recent years, 'the Jungle' has developed more and more into a self-contained neighborhood, with all its amenities. One that you might find in the suburb of a big city in an underdeveloped country, though, and which we would label as a slum. Zimako seems to see this differently, and I notice more and more that this purebred optimist keeps looking at the positive things.

That respect comes for a reason

Zimako is respected within "the Jungle" and not only by Nigerians. He is talked to a lot by everyone and always in a positive way. He does not stand still and he is always busy. That respect comes for a reason, he has earned it in the relatively short time he has been here. And not only the respect, also the trust of many of the temporary residents of "the Jungle.

When Zimako was expelled from another camp by the government in early 2015 and ended up in "the Jungle," he quickly decided that something had to change, "We can't wait for the government, here we have to do it ourselves," he says in an interview with the BBC. Zimako, who he says never had a hammer in his hands at home, decided to build a school on his own. 'I learned here what powerful things you can do with this,' referring to the hammer. 'People speak many different languages here, French can become a language to communicate together, a language for brotherhood, that's why I built the school.'

Trust

From April through July 2015, Zimako built the school with materials he could find left and right on the property. This did not go entirely without a hitch. For example, halfway through construction, a major fight between the camp's Afghan and Sudanese residents ensued. During this fighting, they looted much of his construction material to fight with. But he did not give up and continued building stubbornly when peace returned to the camp for a while. In the months that followed he received more and more help. Three months after construction began, three hundred people gathered in July 2015 for the official opening of his school.

"Everyone in the camp trusts me, I don't need the trust of the government," Zimako states in a BBC interview, yet he is being trusted by the government. For example, he has been in talks with the Minister of Education and teachers at the school have been recognized by the Ministry of Education. Zimako's school is also more than a language institute. Every day there, with the help of volunteers, between 20 and 50 adults and children receive various lessons. The school also serves as a liaison with other organizations and even the government.

Thus, all the Islamic associations in the camp, the Catholics, NGOs and even the police have signed a kind of covenant recognizing the school as a public place. So during the evacuation of part of 'the Jungle' earlier this year, the school was spared, it now stands almost a kilometer away from where the rest of 'the Jungle' continues. 'If the government would trust me completely and give me money, I will change the whole jungle in 3 months'.

The anarchy

Unfortunately, the fraternization you see in and around the school is far from the rest of "the Jungle. Mutual quarrels and confrontations with the police determine the order of the day. Police tear gas and stabbings have become normal fare. Many of the people in "the Jungle" have been here for months, sometimes years, and more people arrive daily than leave. Over 1,000 children live in the camp; an estimated 800 are alone and unsupervised.

Children are mostly left to fend for themselves and the most terrible stories are coming in left and right. Children who are raped or even go missing, children who fall into the hands of human traffickers or one of the drug rings within the camp. Marc Dullaert, former children's ombudsman of the Netherlands who recently visited the camp, expressed his concerns in a broadcast of Kruispunt. 'They are the gates of hell, a few hours travel from the Netherlands. We should not want this, this must be solved for those children, that is step one, period.

A school alone is not enough

It is not only the school that keeps Zimako busy. Last year, for example, he also fought for better facilities in the camp, and not without success. Working with a lawyer, he got better facilities done. Especially electricity and water.

Also, the next project is already in its infancy, a laundromat. Zimako does not believe that when the camp is going to be cleared one of these days, all the refugees will actually disappear. 'Right now there are no facilities for people at the camp to wash their clothes. When people will soon be living scattered through the area on the streets, this will be no different'. The beginnings of his laundromat are already there. Near the camp, Zimako has managed to rent a space with the help of donations from the Netherlands. From there, he plans to offer a laundry service to refugees in the region in the future.

London... Calling

As we stand with a group at the edge of the camp in the late afternoon, less than 20 meters away from the police we see dozens of people running in small groups through an opening of a hedge across the street. Already on their way to find an entrance to the fence-fenced highways. Hoping today to be lucky enough to find an illegal elevator towards their dreamland, England.

Even for those who do not want to go to England, "the Jungle" is for now one of the few places they can call home. Application for asylum is a slow process in France and it can take months, if not longer. As we drive away from the camp, night falls. Later, I will learn via Twitter that there was another hour-long brawl between police and refugees after we left. For now, the more than 10,000 refugees can stay in "the Jungle," but uncertainty about the upcoming evacuation remains.

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Visiting a refugee shelter where no one wants to stay

I am not quite sure what I will find when I step into the central square of the refugee camp early in the morning, past the overflowing garbage containers. Today I am following Dutch photographer Niels Wenstedt, who is here to do a photo shoot for Hollandse Hoogte. Together with a Red Cross contact, we just passed through the lightly guarded main entrance. On our way to an introductory meeting with the shelter's acting manager, Ognyan.

The refugee camp we visit today is one of three refugee camps around Sofia, Bulgaria's capital. The three-story property is moderately maintained on the outside, the fences creating a fence for a dilapidated playground used as a laundry rack and trash lies all over the grounds. From the first step on the grounds, you can feel the tense atmosphere that exists. Where at first I thought this one was a hostile one, I later learn that this is desperation.

The stench of feces

Ognyan, the deputy manager of Voenna Rampa, looks sullen as we enter his office. Like an overwrought prison warden, he discusses his frustration at our arrival with our interpreter. What exactly is bothering him I will never know, but after receiving some facts and rules of the camp, our tour can begin. Like a watchdog, Ognyan accompanies us.

The condition of the building, which houses 800 refugees, is poor. Broken ceiling tiles, smashed walls and a constant stench of garbage and feces fill the corridors of the complex. In the first moments of our stay, it is mainly distrustful eyes that follow our tour of the building; it is only later in the day that the distrust turns into despair and I am overwhelmed by hellish stories of flight, horror and uncertainty.

This conversation has consequences

If I Sirwan I probably would have avoided eye contact and bowed to him. The muscular Iraqi who resides illegally in the refugee camp looks at me piercingly as I walk into his little room, which he has to share with 3 others. The cooking is primitive on a single stove behind me and the corridor in front of his room soon fills up with children and their parents, who begin to notice that there are suddenly strangers in the house.

Sirwan is scared, he tells me about the atrocities he has encountered along the way, the times he has been beaten up by Bulgarian police, and the fear of going outside the camp because he feels he may be targeted by local residents there as well. 'I am afraid our conversation will have dire consequences for me,' Sirwan says to me as he gestures to the interim manager Ognyan. Secretly, I share contact information with him and later today I will learn via the Telegram app that our conversation so far has had no negative consequences.

Sirwan is negative about a lot, about the shelter itself, the food, the care and mainly the lack of clarity. He told me that even a temporary refugee identification has not yet been issued to him. Ognyan, who overheard our conversation, later tries to disprove it. 'He really did have an ID, I gave it to him myself. The problem is that they sell those IDs for 20 euros in downtown Sofia and then come back here and say they lost it, that way I can keep busy taking passport photos'

What I am not allowed to see

As my conversation with Sirwan comes to an end, several people standing in the hallway try to get my attention. Children because they perk up when they see a camera, but mostly parents who want to show me the real misery. The floor in the hallway where we stand is filthy, half the boards in the ceiling are gone and the light dangles weakly shining from a wire from the ceiling. The walls full of holes are chalked with texts and signs. People try to tell me that there are rooms where 20 men lie in a room, that even the hallways are littered with mattresses to create sleeping spaces, and that the bathrooms are a disaster. They try to show it, but Ognyan won't. He simply does not allow it and would rather we go see the kitchen. Pictures I receive later confirm why. That part of the property, the bathrooms, is one big disaster

Grandma Fatima misses her family

Fatima (84) sits disconsolately on the tip of her loft bed as she shares her story. Fatima fled Afghanistan with her family and was found along the way in a forest in Bulgaria and separated from her family. Strangers have now sort of adopted her in this refugee camp, she has no idea where the rest of her family is, possibly they are in Germany and Austria.

No drugs

He has been working here as a doctor in Voenna Rampa for three years now. 'Some days I treat as many as 60 patients, but we have a problem. I am out of medicine again, many ailments I cannot treat'. Earlier I learned in a conversation with our Red Cross contact person that money is not the problem 'The European Union made over 4 million available last year, among other things for medicines, but there is a lawsuit pending about the tender of the supplier of these medicines, and as long as that lawsuit is pending, the money is frozen and we can't do anything with it'. During the day, I encounter many children with rashes, young people with inflammations and people with chronic conditions who cannot be helped at the moment. 'If it gets out of hand, we can have people with life-threatening conditions transferred to a hospital' the doctor says apologetically to me.

A garbage dump

When lunch is over I go outside to have a smoke and take a walk around. The ground is studded with plastic cups in which lunch was handed out earlier today. It seems like everyone collectively wants to make it one big garbage dump. Our Red Cross contact tells me all the things they are doing to educate people in other camps. What they tell them to do better with hygiene. 'Every day we give one-on-one lessons there with products and situations, but even there it doesn't seem to be catching on yet'

As I walk around the building and there is commotion a little further on as people from inside the building, shouting at Niels, try to make it clear that the pile of garbage under their window is demeaning, I get into a conversation with a couple of guys who are on a makeshift campfire are making a canned meal. Again I hear the stories of beatings and robberies by Bulgarian police. 'In Serbia none of that happens, the police there are nice, here we are afraid to walk out of the gate.'

A flood of refugees we cannot handle

'At the moment, I think Bulgaria is hosting over 5,000 refugees, very much larger is our capacity here as well,' says our Red Cross contact. 'If we try very hard, we might be able to accommodate 15,000 people, but we can't handle a larger influx of refugees.' A day before my visit, it was announced that the European Union is giving Bulgaria more than 100 million euros to strengthen border security and accommodate more refugees in the future. In recent weeks, Turkey threatened to reverse its refugee deal with Europe. This could mean easier passage to Europe for the three million refugees currently in Turkey.

Outside, children are playing; as soon as they see Niels' camera, a smile On their faces. As if problems don't exist. 21-year-old Guldar from northern Syria stares ahead as she tells us about her dreams, one day she would like to become a journalist. She has been in a camp in Bulgaria for six weeks. Almost everyone I speak to, like Guldar, has a dream, but currently feels hopelessly trapped in a country where none of them actually want to be. 'People hate us here.

Over 200 illegals in the camp

Yesterday there was a check in the camp. Other than the original residents, over 200 people were found to be staying illegally or actually should be in another camp. By buses they were dispersed, back to their original camp, or to the detention center for an initial intake.

You can see the entire photo reportage by Niels Wenstedt for Hollandse Hoogte. here retrieve

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How your donation for a refugee ends up in Google's till

Update: Following a response from Refugee Council, I decided to do further research on this issue. I jumped to conclusions at a few points. As a result, the picture I painted, combined with the example I gave, does not hold up. An update to this article will follow after my research.

For example, I write that as a condition of getting a Google AdGrant, Refugee Council Netherlands first had to invest $19,900 in Google Adsense. After publication, I learned that refugee work did indeed have to invest $19,900, but that this was done with another Grant from Google and not with their own money. So in the case of Refugee Council Netherlands, the conclusion I drew that donation money would go to Google is incorrect. For this I apologize

As I was doing a quick Google search this morning, I noticed how many (Google) ads were passing by from charities doing something for refugees. I thought to myself, this can't be free. Later I would learn that I was partly wrong in this.

refugees-in-the-dutch-google-search

When you want to advertise on Google, you create a campaign. Here you specify, among other things, the target group for your ad and a number of keywords with which your ad will be visible. The price you pay as an advertiser depends on a number of factors. One of those factors is the number of advertisers who want to advertise under the same keywords and characteristics as you. The final price you will pay is determined through a auction. Whoever bids the most is the first to be seen. To help you a little in this, Google provides a guide price.

I was curious about what the charities actually had to pay per click on their ad, so I decided to create my own AdSense campaign with Google under the keyword "refugee.

refugee-search

Google advised me to bid €2.22 per click. In other words, for everyone who comes to my website through my google ad, I pay about that amount. Because of my past experience with AdSense for various projects, I thought this was a high price. For comparison, I looked for another word that I know there are many companies advertising it 'Pokémon'.

pokomon-search

For an ad with "Pokémon," I would pay about €0.27 per visitor that Google redirects to my website. Without thinking about it very long, in hindsight I draw the too-simple conclusion and attribute the high price of a refugee ad to the high demand from advertisers with the word 'refugee'. And I post the following Tweet.

Pretty soon thereafter I get, quite rightly, several responses from the press spokesman for refugee work (one of the organizations that also advertise at Google), including this response.

Free ad credit is made available to nonprofit organizations that meet certain criteria. See Google Ad Grants:

And indeed, if you meet a few conditions then you already have a good chance of getting $10,000 ad budget at Google under the Grants project, meet some more conditions then you can even get up to $40,000 per month in ad credit, Google GrantsPro. The spokesperson for refugee work, Martijn van der Linden, pointed me to their 2014 annual report, it indeed states that they may advertise up to $40,000 per month through the Google GrantsPro project. This does mean that refugee work is subject to a number of terms has had to meet, and one of those condition is that in the 6 months they have to spend $9,900 per month for a minimum of 2 months on ads with Google.

A good investment at first glance, invest a minimum of $19,800 in exchange for free advertising credit worth up to $480,000 per year. Or is it?

  1. Not everyone is awarded an Ad Grant; you must meet a number of conditions to be awarded one.
  2. If you want to go for the Ad Grant Pro you have to have at least $19,800 invested in Google, many smaller charities can't allocate that money for it or can't justify it under their budget, the larger companies are left.
  3. Because some large companies in the same sector (in this case refugee work) suddenly have a huge advertising budget for Google AdSense, the price per click goes up tremendously, in this case to €2.22. For the large companies with free Google money no problem, but for the small companies without free Google money it is. Those now have to pay much more per visitor than before.
  4. From both large companies and small businesses, advertising and marketing is part of the budget, a budget that in the case of charities comes mainly from income from grants, gifts and donations.

The way I look at it, that $40,000 free advertising money is not worth $40,000 from the outset because the price per click rises so dramatically as several large companies have to invest their $40,000 per month under the same keywords. Today that $40,000 buys you about 16,000 extra visitors per month (assuming €2.22 per click). If I may compare that to Pokémon for a moment, with that, $40,000 (assuming €0.23 cents per click) buys me about 135,000 additional visitors. 16,000 additional visitors would cost me about €3680 in the case of Pokémon, but I can't make the comparison that simple.

In addition, it becomes almost impossible for the small organization to advertise in a decent place anymore, because how do you box up against the big names with bigger free budgets.

And what sense does it actually make for the big names, because if you can assume that they normally already have a bigger budget for marketing than the small company, now they all have an even much bigger budget for marketing. But in terms of ranking position within Google, it basically doesn't matter because all the big companies with the same big budget have gotten a little bit bigger, but then again that's my simple logic.

I see Google as the big winner here with their sweet looking charity project. Each big business brings in minus $19,800, the small businesses pay 10x more for their CPC, and all it ends up costing Google is some overhead and free virtual power. And the $19,800 that charities have to spend with Google within two months, those are ultimately rock-hard dollars paid in part by donors and grants with the idea that they would be spent on refugee aid but ultimately don't bring in much more than a few extra website visitors.  

And now when I look at Warchild's website and read their slogan 'For €6 a month you help a child growing up in war. Together we take the war out of a child Donate now' I can't help but think, 'yes that, or for €6 get 3 extra visitors to your website via Google AdSense'. But then again that's just my simple thought.

(The entire conversation at Twitter can be found here)

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Venezuela braces for judgment day

Tomorrow the opposition in Venezuela has announced a large demonstration in Caracas. It is demanding a referendum to depose current President Maduro. As the opposition prepares for the demonstration, Maduro is bracing himself. Military checkpoints are being thrown up, "phone jammers" can be found throughout the city, activists are being arrested, and on state television the president's supporters are calling for the streets to be defended. My sources expect a battlefield.

Ok, 100% pay raise
Venezuela is in a political and economic crisis. As inflation mounts, supermarket shelves are emptying. Food is scarce and hospitals are being closed due to a shortage of medical supplies. In vain, President Maduro is trying to control the situation with emergency solutions. For example, starting tomorrow, the minimum wage has been raised by 100%, and supermarkets in outlying areas are being spontaneously given one-time supplies in the run-up to the demonstrations. According to Dutch entrepreneur Frank, who lives in Venezuela, it doesn't help anything. 'I pay my people well, but the extreme increases in prices mean they can just buy a pack of sugar at the end of the day, if there is any sugar in stock.' Frank watches tomorrow's mass demonstration with concern. 'If it doesn't get out of hand tomorrow, it will happen three days later when the food really runs out. People are already dying needlessly from the food shortage.'

State TV on overtime
State TV is working overtime with reruns. Maduro is calling tomorrow's protest an attempted coup with US help. During a broadcast last week, he already reported taking tougher action than Erdogan, should that happen. In between, tens of thousands of people have been marching for days to get to Caracas on foot from all over the country. A protest march symbolically led by a priest, Lenin Bastidas. He arrived in Caracas after his eight-day, 400km walk. The priest, who first intended to go on hunger strike, later decided to come to Caracas on foot. Gradually, he won the hearts of thousands of Venezuelans who began to follow his example.

Vote for referendum means resignation
Last December, the opposition won parliamentary elections in Venezuela. After winning, one of the goals was to hold a referendum to depose the increasingly unpopular President Maduro. While the opposition followed all legal steps to bring about a referendum, they were not made easy. Government employees who voted in favor of a referendum were fired, initiators of the referendum were arrested and the CNE, Venezuela's electoral office, tightened the rules with impossible demands during the process. For example, the office indicated that any referendum could not take place until next year. This would mean that if Maduro is removed from office, he would be replaced by the vice president instead of new elections. Thus, power would remain in the hands of the same party. With tomorrow's demonstration, the opposition is still trying to bring about a referendum.

Checkpoints
In recent days, tensions have risen considerably in Venezuela. People are being stopped from driving to Caracas by additional set up military checkpoints, belongings are being confiscated, foreign journalists are not allowed to enter the country, collectivos (government-armed gangs) have been called in, and supporters of the government have been called to defend the streets.

Fort Caracas 
Frank has long been concerned about developments in the country he came to live in more than 20 years ago. 'But now things are really going wrong Michel. There is nothing left at all and the government no longer functions. While dirt is piling up on the sides of the road, soldiers are taking over the streets. And as sandbags pile up at temporary military posts meant to guard the tunnel entrances to Caracas, Fort Caracas is filling up with opponents. One thing is certain. Tomorrow Venezuelans face an exciting day.'

From a distance, I will be monitoring the situation tomorrow with my contacts on the street. Follow me on Twitter for the latest updates

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How I unexpectedly found myself in a coup d'état

I was halfway through my delicious dessert -a Kunefe- when the first reports of a coup came in. I had spent the hours before just outside the center of Gaziantep talking with two doctors about health care in Turkey. Mainly that for the more than 3 million refugees Turkey is currently hosting.

Return to your hotel

Streets were closed, bridges occupied, and fighter jets and helicopters were reportedly flying low over Istanbul and Ankara. According to initial reports. Quickly we decided to end our conversation and each go our separate ways.

I was advised to go back to my hotel. I decided to go to the police headquarters. I figured that if something was about to happen in Gaziantep, a place an hour from the border with Syria, the first signs of it would be visible there. I decided to watch from the steps of a closed restaurant across the street from the station.

Erdogan: Take to the streets

Many cars were approaching the main entrance at high speed and people were busy discussing. Not much later, the Prime Minister proclaimed on TV that a coup was underway. People were asked to take to the streets, The first honking cars appeared in front of the police station. People carried flags and shouted declarations of love for their President Erdogan. In no time, the entire city seemed to be moving toward the center, roads became clogged and people continued on foot while shouting. I decided to leave my post at the police station and follow the crowd to Gaziantep's central square.

When I arrived at the central square it was already half full. Erdogan had just indicated that the coup had failed, but also called on Turks to take to the streets and squares. People in the square went wild and the demonstration increasingly began to take on the character of a true popular festival. Gaziantep, the pro-Erdogan city, went wild.

Attacked

I had arrived in Gaziantep the morning before to write some stories about Turkey and Syria. I, like I think everyone in this square, had not seen a coup coming. I decided to talk to some people with the help of an interpreter. Despite all the hustle and bustle in the square, everything went very amiable at first. People in the square were so friendly, open and welcoming, as I had come to know them over the past few days. I decided to do a tour around the square on my own and thought it would be a nice thought to start a livestream via Periscope. For about eight minutes that went well, until two men came walking toward me in a straight line. While one man tried to take my phone away, the other man gave me the first punch. With no interpreter around, I tried to explain who I was, but before I knew it, the second punch came right to my eye. I tried to run away to the street behind me, but was knocked over, stood up and tried to make my way between the cars stopped on the street. The two men had now become five men, I felt another kick and suddenly found myself between two cars on the ground. The moment a boy got between me and the men, I saw my chance to sprint away quickly in the direction of the hotel.

I decided to spend the rest of the evening following the information via Twitter and TV. The flow of people toward the center seemed to have no end. For a long time it remained unclear whether a coup had really failed and soon the first theories began to emerge, including the possibility that Erdogan had done it all himself. At 4:41 a.m. I decide it's time to go to sleep.

The partying continues

The next morning I saw the damage; fortunately, it wasn't too bad. With a black eye, some abrasions and some pain in my ribs, I decided to start my day again in Gaziantep's central square. The square was still packed. It seemed as if people had not left and continued to party tirelessly.

The original plan, before the coup attempt took place, was to go to Nizip. Nizip is a place an hour east of Gaziantep, where one of the refugee camps is located. My interpreter and I decided to go ahead with the plan. After an hour of sitting in a crowded van, we arrived in Nizip. It was 41 degrees outside.

After asking around, we soon found out that it was virtually impossible to go to the camp today. Government offices were closed and the camp was closed to outsiders due to the events.

After an hour of talking with several residents and former refugees who had already found their place, we decided to go back to Gaziantep to see how the situation was in the central square. Erdogan had called on people to stay on the streets; mosques also repeated this call over their loudspeakers. On my Turkish phone, I received a text message with the same message "come to the squares, take to the streets.

Attacked again

The square had almost been transformed into a veritable event site in the hours of my absence. Stalls and a stage had risen and an aerial platform with a large Turkish flag stood in the middle of the square. I was invited to use the truck of the aerial platform to take pictures of the crowd from above. As I stepped off the aerial platform, I was stared at by four angry men. I had no idea what they were yelling at me, and my interpreter was still on the other side of the aerial platform. Pretty soon a police officer was standing next to me and while he was asking for my papers a skirmish ensued. I again received a few blows and was pushed against the aerial platform. The police told me to walk with them. An officer grabbed my arm and pushed me toward a small police station just outside the square. Fortunately, my interpreter saw it happen and walked with us discussing with the officer.

Behind us, the official part of the program began.

Government employees

Pretty soon some other government employees in civilian clothes joined us. They asked me - and mainly my interpreter - questions. I had to hand over my equipment, passport and press card. A series of questions and commands were given over the walkie-talkie. I would later learn from my interpreter that they asked her how she knew I was not like all the other Western journalists, how she knew I could be trusted, what we had all done and seen, and with whom we had been talking.

As agents scrolled through my phone, trying to read my messages and looking at my photos, I try to remember if I had nothing incriminating on it. I see a picture of the map of Syria come by with the current state of the balance of power, I gulp for a moment and am lucky that at that moment the government employee was distracted by a crowd of people coming to walk toward the gate from where we are standing.

The barrage of questions

More and more government officials in plain clothes are arriving, and my interpreter is under a barrage of questions; I see that she is holding strong, but worried. I don't understand a word of what's going on and just trust the best.

It becomes clear to me that the officers know about the incident the night before and do not understand why I come back to the same place afterwards. The group of people who have attacked me twice now appear to belong to a group that has a mangy hatred for journalists, especially Western ones. We spread lies or work for other governments, said one of the officials.

They know you now, stay away

My papers appear to be in order and after more than an hour we are allowed to go. Before we are allowed to leave, an official wonders why we had not reported to the press office. There I could get help. 'You should know that as a journalist,' said the official. He also advised me not to come back to the square. 'You are known now.

I decided against the customs and culture here to look for a beer. After a beer or two and a good conversation with a bartender at a bar, he decided I shouldn't go back to the hotel alone. A few blocks outside downtown, the streets were still packed with honking cars and screaming people. The party feeling I had earlier seemed to turn to a grim, almost terrifying atmosphere.

The bartender had called two friends. Two "security guards. Half an hour later, I saw myself making my way with those two through the crowd toward the hotel. The hotel staff, who by now had been informed of the events earlier that day, were worried. More worried than I was at that moment myself.

We would go the next day, if possible, to Killis, a village south of Gaziantep right on the border with Syria. As we sat on the bus toward Killis, my interpreter told us more about recent events. The border village has been targeted several times by rocket attacks from Syria. In the first five months of this year, at least 20 residents were killed as a result. She has family living there who will accompany us through the day.

Five minutes from Syria

The people of Killes are not afraid. Not afraid of the future, not afraid of war, afraid of nothing. God will determine it, is the answer I get from everyone. Syrians and Turks seem to live together like brothers and sisters, and no one I talk to even thinks about not admitting refugees anymore. Yet the government seems to think otherwise. In recent months, a large wall has been built on the border with Syria, rules to entry have been tightened and refugees are kept apart from residents. For example, they are not allowed to simply leave the camps and long-standing refugees are only allowed to travel between cities with permission.

At a teahouse, I strike up a conversation with some Syrian refugees. One of them is a trader. He has been here for six months and has somewhat more rights than an average refugee. Because of his position as a trader, for example, he is allowed to cross the border and back. He offers me, if I can get my papers in order, to go with him. In the conversation, the horrors of modern-day Syria come up. Supported by photos and videos of events, the trader wonders aloud what we as Europe are doing. We would only make things worse than they already are.

Police in front of the hotel

When I was back in my hotel room in Gaziantep in the evening, a police car stopped at the door of the small hotel. Two policemen got out and walked to the front door. I could swear they say something with the word Dutch. Outside the hotel, an endless crowd of people moves toward the central square. And so I fall asleep, hoping I will not experience any new surprises this night....

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Column: The Purmerend of Spekkers of June '16

Last week we had Reuring. What a small town can be big at. Great, a wonderful festival it was. I was surprised, in my mind Reuring was no more than one stage on the koemarkt but in the meantime it turned out to have grown into a true event with multiple stages in different locations.

Over 300 volunteers cooperated to make Reuring a success. genuinely fantastic, but there is always room for improvement. For example, the organization totally missed the mark when it came to using Social Media and a message from Reuring to the volunteer group yesterday created a sour aftertaste.

One of the carters and regular paid employees of reuring was disappointed in the number of volunteers who busied themselves cleaning up after the event in the park over the past few days. 'Next year this really needs to be different,' the paid worker said. 'Not just the joys, but also the burdens, sharing together,' she concluded her rambling message in which she vented her heart about the shortage of volunteers 'The final party already has a nasty taste in my mouth,' she stated. 'Reuring is over for the public on Sunday. But also for the vast majority of volunteers. A far too small group, then had to tear everything down and clean up.'

While I did understand her thought, I was reminded of the hundreds of volunteers, young and old, who, like me, had spent a long weekend on the field. Who had taken time off to help, who had gone through all kinds of weather to make Reuring a success. Volunteers who, with or without disabilities, stood up to their ankles in the mud and who, on Monday after the long Reuring weekend, started a normal work week again. Not only the joys but also the burdens did sound a bit derogatory and ungrateful with that thought from this paid force, and that Ariane, that created an unpleasant aftertaste with me again.

Confused people. We had plenty of those in Purmerend last month. A car under water in the canal quay. A woman driving a car over a bus lock, after which the car burns down completely. A woman of 22 who starts shooting at youths with an air rifle because she cannot read calmly. A man sentenced to community service for throwing his rabbit into the water earlier this year "because the rabbit supposedly loves to swim. A boy who is arrested after running over a police car. A woman who goes viral on youtube because she goes completely crazy at the Overwhere train station and a patient who stabs nurses at the waterland hospital. June 2016 the month of confused people in Purmerend.

But I do not want to talk to you about those confused people today, but I do want to talk to you about the confused man Arie-Wim Boer, who is emerging more and more as the little dictator. Unthinkable from Purmerend politics and nationally -under the name Arie-Wim Beer- the face of Purmerend politics.

Last month, a veritable exodus from the Party of Arie-Wim began. First Commissioner Rob Klaucke resigned, after which online mud-slinging began. Not much later, Gert-Jan Hartog also stepped down. 'Although I support the thought well of Leefbaar Purmerend still completely I have no sense in this carnival and kindergarten class anymore. I believe in politics that is mature and respectful of each other,' Hartog said in a response to me. Arie-Wim was quite angry about Klaucke's departure and especially at the manner of his departure. Hartog requested that Arie-Wim fight it out in another way, which Arie-Wim felt little desire for. "For me it was take it or leave it," Hartog told me. So in the end it became leave it. Hartog would already leave the party later this year, Boer's behavior only accelerated it. According to voices in the party, things are still rumbling within Boer's party.

Replacement for the departed committee members will be number 9 on the candidates list of Leefbaar Purmerend. Chris Boer aka the son of Arie-Wim Boer who managed to get 21 votes last election. Soon he will enter the council. Not yet because he is not yet 18, but as soon as he is, he will follow in his father's footsteps and join mum and dad at their kitchen table in the council. The Boer family's kitchen table received considerable criticism online. For example, D66 councilor Van Meekeren tweeted "A party that may have the family sitting in the council in 2018. I think something about that and positive that is not...'

Families on the council is not unique and I don't really understand the fuss either. It has happened before in several cities in the Netherlands. For example, Amsterdam had the Bakker family. And families in politics have also proven their worth outside the Netherlands. Take in Italy where Berlusconi and his familia have meant a lot to the local population and development. But at all if you look at the history of the mafia and their interweaving in politics you cannot deny that it was a smart move by the cosa nostra to get involved in politics as a family. Even in Venzuela, where the daughter of late President Chavez -without ever having completed an education or ever having had a job- is allowed to take a seat on the security council, you can see the usefulness of family. She gets a seat as a gift that in the Netherlands, after 12 years of lobbying with difficulty, you might be allowed to sit on.

A dictatorship often has an undemocratic character. They often lack freedom of the press, engage in repression of opponents and dissenters, apply intimidation and enforce their own laws. Scrolling a bit musingly through Arie-Wim Boer's headlines, I cannot help but recognize a number of things.

For example, tonight the council is discussing an official complaint from a number of schoolchildren, including a minor who felt intimidated by Arie-Wim Boer. The group of Liveable has indicated not to participate in tonight's debate. Why also participate in a debate following an official complaint procedure in which an independent agency investigated the complaint and declared it valid? This is not the first time Arie-Wim Boer has been discredited, time after time he manages to turn the Purmerend town council into a puppet show.

The problem with a dictatorship is often the succession, but in the case of Arie-Wim Boer we don't have to worry about that yet. For years he has been busy preparing his underage son for the political arena in Purmerend. The Boer family, the almost royal dynasty of Purmerend politics.

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How I got a criminal journalist arrested

It is early afternoon, two hours ahead of schedule, that I walk into the Dutch embassy in Kiev. Three hours earlier I landed my flight from Amsterdam, and in between I have arranged for a hotel, a Ukrainian SIM card and some other basic necessities for the coming days.

A tweet with the embassy
Stefan knows nothing of my coming. Through a one-two punch with an acquaintance of Stefan and the Dutch embassy in Kiev, he came to the embassy hoping to get a Western Union code so he could pick up 100 euros. It would be the 100 euros from an invoice from RT, one of the few clients where Stefan was still welcome as a journalist. The rest of his clients, such as GeenStijl.nl which he published on (as well as through Reporters Online), had long since removed their hands from Stefan after he was arrested in Beirut a few months ago for credit card fraud.

Geenstijl helps Stefan out of Lebanese cell
Many principals feel misled because everyone initially thought he was arrested in Beirut for his journalistic work, a lie he himself made public on social media the day before his arrest. 'I asked questions about Hezbollah to the defense ministry.' Only later do we learn that Stefan stole a credit card to pay for a hotel with it. With the help of GeenStijl and others, Stefan eventually managed to get out of his Lebanese cell and headed back to Ukraine with a stopover in the Netherlands.

We are completely done with him
The weeks before my arrival in Kiev did not appear to have been the easiest for Stefan. His income was nil and drove him out of his home, he found himself on the streets and forced to sell his last possessions. Down to his laptop. Toward family and friends, the stories got bigger and bigger. For example, in the weeks that followed, Stefan reported having AIDS, a tapeworm, he was robbed and so on. Stories that in hindsight to 90% consisted of lies with the sole purpose of extorting money. 'We are completely done with him Michel. I never have to see him again' says his father in one of our conversations.

Back in Kiev
Before being led to Stefan, who is in another room at the embassy, I briefly talk through the plan with my embassy contact. The embassy had visited Stefan several times in recent weeks, but they couldn't do anything for him. They had to turn him away time after time. 'We couldn't give him more than advice and sometimes a cup of tea. We don't provide money, nor can we pay for his trip back.'

Spekkers what are you doing here?
The embassy had chosen to place Stefan in a separate room so that he would not see me coming. In talking with them and with Foreign Affairs the days before, it became clear to me that they were a little worried that the handover would not go as smoothly as in my promises. 'How will he react, we do open to the public.' So I think they kept him apart mainly for that reason.

He was sitting quietly on a bench when I walked into the room with a saucer next to him with some fruit and a cup of tea. When he looked up he didn't seem to recognize me for several moments, then surprise, "Speakers, what are you doing here?

A day earlier I only decided to go
A day earlier, for various reasons, I had chosen to book a ticket to Kiev for the following morning. The latest reports about Stefan were disturbing; for example, he was said to want to commit suicide, was wandering the streets of a Kiev suburb. The stories about his criminal activities were growing. Earlier that week, I and others, including journalist Chris Klomp, received some very alarming emails from him titled "Suicide," in which he explained step by step how he had bought three bags of coke and planned to end it. The emails were almost pregnant with despair and the tone got worse and worse. At the end, he was even said to have cut all his wrists. Later it all turned out to be nonsense.

The cesspool opens
It was revealed on Facebook in an expat group from Ukraine that Stefan had tried to cash some checks. forge from an American woman who was a resident of Ukraine. Stefan adamantly denied, but he would possibly be wanted in Ukraine for that. A country where, as a gay journalist, you shouldn't get stuck. In the weeks leading up to my arrival in Kiev, it became increasingly clear that many of the allegations against Stefan were well-founded. And not only that. More and more things were emerging. Stefan seemed to be involved not only in forging checks, but also in credit card fraud and numerous other things. He also appeared to still be under investigation in the Netherlands.

Along with conditions
My purpose in being in the same room with Stefan now was twofold. On the one hand, as a writer and, on the other, to offer him a chance to stop what he just can't let go of. To try to resolve things so that he could have a "normal" life again after years. This was not easy and I set him my conditions. 'I am here to help you, you have caused a lot of misery, sleepless nights and hurt a lot of people, but there are still people who want to help you. If you want this help then it means that you will listen to what I am about to say, that you will now put all your belongings in this sports bag, that for the next few days you will speak only Dutch or English, that you will do as I say and that immediately upon arrival you will report yourself to the police in Holland.' He agreed, emptied his pockets into the sports bag and added a small bag with his last belongings.

8 euros fine
He looked bad, tired, confused. He was unkempt and smelly after times not showering. After saying goodbye at the embassy, I took Stefan to a hotel I had arranged earlier that day. After letting him shower and eat, we went over the plan for the next few days. Since it was unknown whether Stefan was wanted in Ukraine, I could not simply fly out of the country with him. I had decided to travel via the Polish border, through Germany back to the Netherlands, I hoped we could be back on Dutch soil in three or four days.

Later that day I go with Stefan to the Kiev train station; during his ramble through the city over the past few weeks, Stefan had lost the opportunity to pay a fine for not retrieving his bags from a locker. We pay the eight euro fine after all and Stefan gets back two bags of clothes.

Youth
'Things started going in the wrong direction when I was 16. I grew up in a safe environment, always got everything I wanted, but I wanted more. If I got a Playstation 2 I wanted a Playstation 3. It was like an addiction, everything I wanted I got.' When I talk to Stefan about his childhood, it soon comes to his parents. When he was young, Stefan once emptied their bank accounts and their house and stole their car. After he was convicted of that, they gave him another chance. Stefan tried to use forging signatures to get a second mortgage on their house, and it continued. Just last month, Stefan tried to buy an iPhone by having it charged to his father's account. "I don't know what I was thinking, Michel.

Where did it go wrong
Things really went wrong when Stefan went to live in America at 18. With 10,000 euros in savings given to him by his parents, he found himself in the land of all opportunities. "The unlimited dream. Not much comes of his intention to go to college. Soon he starts using other people's credit cards to buy luxury goods - up to a car - and forged checks to get his groceries. 'They have one of those green card lotteries there, but I kept failing to get through that. I then tried to fake a green card.' Stefan left America, but was never convicted of his actions there.

Living like a king
In the following years, he continues to defraud credit cards, to this day. "I buy fake credit cards online with bitcoins, the best credit cards are the ones without a chip, then you get away with just a signature. With those stolen credit cards, Stefan paid for almost everything in recent years. For example, he flew to Seoul, England and other countries. He rented hotel rooms with them and paid his Airbnb bills. He lived in Kiev in a $2,000-a-month apartment paid for with stolen credit cards.

A USB flash drive full of credit cards
I only really get a good idea of the extent of his fraud when, just before his arrest in the Netherlands, he gives me a folder with papers, a USB stick and access to his email and social media. 'Michel, it was like an addiction. Where a junkie craves drugs, I crave money.'

Stefan used drugs. 'I sold my laptop last week, half of the $100 I got for it I used for coke.' He indicates he is not addicted, and in the days that follow I also detect that the absence of coke does not seem to affect him.

Not just credit card fraud
Stefan didn't stop at credit card fraud. For example, he states an interview I had with him just before his arrest that he stole items from Airbnb properties. He also took an SLR camera from the local Espresso bar in Haarlem last year. 'I saw a bag standing there and hoped it contained a wallet. Turned out to be just a camera. I later sold the camera at a pawn shop for 70 euros. I had nothing left, I was going to Moscow and I needed money.' Stefan also acknowledges having accumulated hefty debts with mail order companies and with loans. 'I don't know how much that adds up to, but at least 125,000.'

The border crossing
From Kiev we travel early the next morning to Lviv, a city more toward the Polish border, with a car I arranged the day before. There we will spend the night. The following morning we leave by car for the sleepy town of Rava Ruske, about six kilometers from the Polish border. Acquaintances in Holland who are following me via GPS throughout this trip have found the best route across the border for us and forwarded the satellite maps to me earlier that day.

The trip we thought would take half an hour turns out to be not so easy. After three hours through mountain and valley, we reach Poland without being noticed. The first village we meet turns out to have far fewer facilities than we had hoped for, so I decide that we will walk six kilometers to the next, slightly larger village. Hoping to find a cab there.

Apprehended in Poland
Halfway through our walk we are stopped by the Polish border guard. In a minute Stefan, without my noticing, manages to tell the police present three lies about how we ended up in Poland. They smell danger and take Stefan and me away and our belongings are checked. Stefan is taken to the station and I have to go with eight officers to point out where we crossed the border. Eight hours later, after paying a fine, Stefan and I are driven to a hotel by one of the officers.

We leave early the next morning again, arriving in Krakow after a few stops. Then suddenly it's a lot simpler. Two trains and we are where we need to be.

Other victims
Stefan says he has drawn many people into his activities, take Antonie. 'I met Antonie in Beirut, a very good guy, I was allowed to come to his family's home, he was gay too.' He sometimes called Antonie from the hostel where he was staying. Later, when the police are looking for Stefan for stealing and using a credit card, it is Antonie who is violently lifted from his bed by the Lebanese police. They make Antonie an offer. Either you make sure we find Stefan, or you pay for what he has done. Moments later, Stefan receives a message from Antonie asking what hotel he is staying at.

'I look at myself with disgust, that coming from such a good environment, I have disappointed and angered so many people when without all these tomfoolery I could have done things differently on my own. I lied to people to gain sympathy, in retrospect I see that it all didn't work.'

Still those checks forged
A few weeks ago, when Stefan's latest exploits hit the Internet, he denied having anything to do with it. 'It's not even my writing, I didn't do anything.' In my last interview with him, just before the police picked him up at a studio in Tilburg, he acknowledged anyway. 'I did, there were even more checks, but I want to emphasize that I never received that money. It was an attempt, nothing more.'

I don't know what's going on where
'I don't know what my life will be like in five years, I hope I won't get a harsh punishment if they were to extradite me to America. I don't know what else is going on. I might still be wanted in Israel or some other country. One thing I know for sure. If I am free, I will not stay in the Netherlands'.

My parents
'If I could turn back anything from the past few years, it's that I didn't involve my parents.' When I then point out to him that just last month he attempted to order 16,000 euros worth of stuff from Coolblue at his parents' delivery address, Stefan responds emotionlessly. 'It's an addiction, I don't think about it, I do think about it. I don't see the consequences.'

When the police enter the studio in Tilburg, Stefan begins to cry uncontrollably for a moment. At that moment, it seems for a moment that the normally emotionless Stefan realizes what he has done and what awaits him.

And now?

Stefan is currently serving an old 266-day sentence in the Netherlands. It is unclear whether he will subsequently be sentenced for outstanding charges or extradited to one of the other countries where he has left a trail of misery.

In my opinion, Stefan has taken a step in the right direction with this. Stefan is sick and needs help.

Image: Guido Koppes

Note: I wrote this article before my last name change, I chose to leave my old last name in this article to avoid confusion.

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Stefan Huijboom again in controversy

Yesterday a warning about Stefan Huijboom appeared on the Kiev expat Facebook group. Yanka Dudenko warned the over a thousand members of the group about Stefan's practices, and many others responded. But what happened?

"Could you call my lawyer to ask what I should do if I do get stopped at the border?" asked Stefan Huijboom to me yesterday afternoon. Stefan was on his way from Kiev to Moscow. Earlier today, a warning about Stefan appeared on Kiev's expat Facebook group. Yanka Dudenko warned the group's 1,000-plus members about Stefan's practices, including allegedly stealing $300 during the time he had stayed with her. He also allegedly tried to withdraw money from Yanka's account last week by forging checks. When I confront Stefan about this during one of our conversations, he adamantly denies the allegations. "It's not true!

Beirut
This is not the first time Stefan has been compromised, earlier this year Stefan was briefly detained in Beirut due to credit card fraud. Only when the misappropriated amount of $800 was paid will Stefan be released. I spoke to him about it especially earlier this year. Stefan has also been detained in the Netherlands in the past for fraud.

Graham: He's in debt everywhere
Pretty soon after Yanka shares her message on the expat group, it is shared dozens of times and comments pour in. For example, Huijboom allegedly duped a real estate agent in Kiev, pays middlemen poorly or not at all, and has walked out of a hostel in Donbass, among other places, without paying. Colleagues in the region confirm Huijboom's debts, as does Graham Phillips 'He has debts everywhere, he pays nothing, almost everyone who knows him has something outstanding, he is always asking for money!'

Daams: Sad and nauseating

'I think this guy is incorrigible when it comes to these kinds of 'incidents,' Tom Daams says in an interview. 'It just sounds super familiar, people take him under his wing and share all kinds of things with him, but when he's in the red with people, he disappears again just as easily. What really irritated me were the lies about everything, from small to big. Lies about, for example, that after he borrowed money from poor young Ukrainians, he really paid it back 100%. And then I ask the persons from whom he borrowed that money and then what he claimed turns out not to be true. Very sad and sickening'.

Stefan: 'I had paid most of the hotel at the time, he was out with me for an AD reportage for which he also got 150 euros, and suddenly he was gone, and then I had to deal with that fixer. Tom Daams didn't pay that fixer a cent. And what that fixer says, that I tried to write off money, I am also hearing now for the first time. Never a phone call, police or trouble at the border, so this is purely blackmailing someone.'

Stanislav: Suddenly he was gone
Freelance photographer Stanislav Demianiuk sent me several print screens with photos of articles that included his photos. He would pay me as soon as he got paid. At one point he disappeared and had blocked me on social media. Another acquaintance of mine he still owes money and from my father's bank account he tried to debit money. I gave him my father's account number because he wanted to transfer money to it, said Stanislav

Commenting, Stefan let it be known that in September 2014 it was life-threatening in Donetsk. 'There were no ATMs. So you had to go to safe area in Ukraine for working banks, which I then did to pay for the hostel, but it was so dangerous that I didn't think it was responsible to go that way again. Two or three months later, when I was there again, the hostel was closed and I could not bring the 30 euros converted. In these other accusations I do not recognize myself.

The lying continues.
Last month Stefan was invited to speak about the Ukraine referendum at Forza! When I ask Stefan afterwards if he had been, he confirms 'Yep, back here by now. Didn't amount to much'. Paul Meijer, group chairman at Forza! informs me in a reaction that Stefan didn't show up, Meijer confirms in the conversation that Forza! advanced the plane ticket for Stefan. 'We want to see that money back, and are prepared to file charges if he doesn't pay it back. Stefan also asked for an advance on his further expenses, fortunately we decided not to give him that. When I hear the stories like this, I assume I'm not going to see the money for the plane ticket back. After our conversation, Meijer, in an email to Huijboom, gives him 12 hours to come up with the money before taking follow-up steps. And Meijer is not alone, an acquaintance of Stefan's who recently lent him money so Stefan would not be evicted from his apartment, confirms to me that he is willing to file a collective report if necessary. 'I believe in his goodness as a human being. A good person who seems to make bad choices. Reporting him is the worst case scenario'

Stefan confirms the recovery of airline ticket costs. 'According to my lawyer, it's a civil matter. I'll leave it at that.'

Yanka's Facebook post
According to Yanka's Facebook post where it all started, Stefan stole $300 during his stay with her, Stefan reacts surprised to the accusation. 'She said back then that money disappeared, I have nothing to do with that. I think she is angry with me because I promised to pay for her nursery, a promise I later had to withdraw because I didn't have the money for it. Yanka's Facebook post shows pictures of two bank checks in Stefan's name, totaling $82,995. Yanka confirms that the amount was never charged to her and shows me through a print screen from her bank that the money is on reserve. "The bank has started an investigation, until the investigation is complete it will remain on reserve. Yanka says she has filed a report against Stefan. Stefan, in a response, says he has never seen the checks. 'It's not even my handwriting.' Stefan does confirm to me, however, that the account number is correct.

There are also reactions to Yanka's post from Dutch journalism, for example, journalist Eefje Dekker says she still owes Stefan 300 euros from the time he worked in the Middle East "Be warned, this man is seriously ill," Dekker said in a response to Yanka's post.

Stefan: "I am as surprised as anyone else, but as long as it remains only accusations on the Internet, I know something else is going on. Perhaps a conspiracy given my recent work for RT and Sputnik! Today I consulted a lawyer who will assist me if these absurd allegations lead to an arrest. For now, I point out that there are figures committing crimes online by throwing my old passport data on the Internet and defaming me.'

Family member: I just gave him money yesterday.
'I do believe Yanka,' a relative of Stefan's says to me in one of our conversations. 'A while back he was with us again begging for money and then he told us to wait until a check was approved, he would receive a lot of money. I'm paralyzed, Michel. He is so terribly shrewd. I gave him 70 euros yesterday via Western Union because he had nothing.

Stefan: No one called me.

Stefan says he hasn't had a call from anyone. 'If the police were to call me, I am willing to talk, I find it strange that they don't call me when a report has been made. I also marvel at people who, without asking me anything, take all this as truth without question. Stefan indicates that he has engaged a lawyer to see how to deal with this.

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From nothing to something (5): more for less

It is cold as I walk from the shelter toward the Albert Heijn supermarket. The almost regular rhythm - getting a free cup of coffee at the supermarket - is beginning to irritate me. As I walk on, I begin to feel frustrated about the setbacks of the past few days. After two months in the night shelter I finally had my first intake interview for social assistance and assisted living, but it didn't really work out.

10-year-old documents

A few days after the intake, I called the staff member only because she had not kept a call appointment about the outcome of the intake. 'Ah! Michel, that's a coincidence I was just about to call you.' I just didn't respond to it. She managed to tell me that the counselors had decided not to put me on the eight-month long waiting list for assisted living yet. Before considering that further, they wanted to request my psychological reports from ten years ago. After some discussion and consideration, I called her back to let her know that I was quite willing to have a new examination done, but that a report from ten years ago seemed irrelevant to me in deciding whether or not I was entitled to help. She disagreed with my opinion and saw it as obstruction of the investigation. I knew what she meant by that: it reduced my chances of getting help. I wondered how many of my peers would simply sign off on irrelevant documents or might not have a chance for help thanks to refusing them.

My university graduate fellow sufferer

He was almost about to slam into a brick wall out of frustration before I stopped him. 'I've had it with everyone Michel! Why is everyone being helped and I'm not.' My university-educated Moroccan fellow sufferer had been in the night shelter for over a year and was nearing rescue; one wrong move by another had been enough to turn it into an argument.

For over a year he has been trying to get a place, daily cramming his head so full of the delusion of the day that he doesn't even think about the further future. With a college degree and a barber's degree under his belt, there should be plenty of opportunities for him, but he neither sees them nor grasps them. Every Monday and Thursday he faithfully goes to the shelter office to reserve his bed for the following days, a week later the same story.

He is not alone, I see in many of my peers that they fill their days with the delusion of the day and therefore don't allow themselves space to look further into the next days. 'Incentives' is what they call it in policy terms, assuming one's own strengths.

My municipality, Purmerend

In Purmerend, where I've been living as a homeless person for the past few months, you don't have to expect to actually get immediate help in the first six months after you apply for help. Capacity problems and policy choices keep that from happening. The almost standard rule is that in Purmerend you can only come in for your first intake interview after two months, during which they will determine whether or not you are entitled to help. If you're lucky, they'll put you on a waiting list, from which, after eight to 10 months, you'll receive a notice that you'll get a temporary room. Until then, you have to rely on the night shelter, where there is not always room.

If you eventually get a room, you are welcome for a maximum of eight months. If you don't manage to get your feet on the ground in those eight months, you have to get out of your little room again and have to reapply for emergency shelter. An unholy road that I have seen several people follow and it is agonizing.

The municipality is responsible

The responsibility for social care lies with the municipality. Each municipality therefore also varies in how the shelter is arranged, but from many of the municipalities I get equally dismal reports.

In Purmerend, the town council has decided to give a sizable bag of money to an organization each year to "the Purmerend shelter. By doing so, they leave full responsibility to an organization. When things become politically sensitive, the town council deposits some additional money into the shelter's account, as happened at the end of last year. Then, after a difficult refugee debate, the city council transferred 175,000 euros extra for a cup of excuse-coffee by extending the opening hours of the daycare by a few hours a day. No shortage of money, no shortage of vision on the other hand.

The turnover value of a homeless person

In Purmerend, the turnover value of social care is almost 1.8 million. 1.3 of this comes from municipal subsidies, the rest largely from the homeless themselves. Of that 1.3 million, 1.1 million goes to the wage costs of shelter staff.

Fortunately, politicians are on the same page, they all want a solution to the homeless problem. And rightly so, instead of being ashamed of the homeless in our municipality, for less money we can be proud of being a homeless municipality.

Over the past few weeks, I have been walking down various city council groups to share experiences of homeless life, and full of compassionate advice from various council members, wanted and unwanted. I am fortunate, next Tuesday I will have the opportunity to get homelessness policy on the agenda of my city council. Hopefully, for a number of people in this small municipality, something will change then. Because deferring responsibility doesn't mean we can't take matters into our own hands.

I am lucky

As an exception, me and a fellow homeless person are getting the key to our apartment at the end of the month. My hero of a case manager had to work hard with others to get this done. One of a homeless person's problems is getting housing. The waiting time for housing through housing authorities is eighteen years, private rent often requires a large deposit and an identifiable (high) income. All things the average homeless person cannot meet. But it can be done. So me and my fellow homeless person will soon rent a condo together, the shared cost of the condo will soon be less than the monthly expenses we now have in paying for night shelter and the homeless deduction from welfare.

Why couldn't this be done for others? I was thinking the other day whether it wouldn't be nice to organize a crowdfunding for living years. Purmeren residents with more than enough living years could donate their living years to someone who lacks living years and is in an urgent situation. Surely something like that could be organized?

Crowdfunding

My past is my problem. Two unfinished college studies and a prison sentence don't help with getting me through the first rounds of job interviews; a good story, on the other hand, provides my life in the meantime. So I was thinking: why not crowdfund my first book. A book about a boy's life from Texas prison, through the ghettos of Caracas to the streets of Purmerend. If enough people want to buy my book in advance, I won't be idle anymore and I promise you a beautiful book as a result. Will you join me?